Blackface is definitely racist in that it mocks & parodies negro looks and behaviour.
For a white person just to apply black makeup is not blackface.
Blackface is makeup that emphasises negro looks - the white staring eyes, the thick red lips. It is a type of clown makeup.
On top of that there is the exaggerated & stupid behaviour done for laughs - you just have to look at the minstrel shows for examples.

Double standards. Yeah. They call it CRT. Critical Race Theory.

Are you factually correct, or politically correct?

“The cultural situation in America today (and indeed in all Western societies) is determined by the cultural earthquake of the nineteen-sixties, the consequences of which are very much in evidence. What began as a counter-culture only some thirty years ago has achieved dominance in elite culture and, from the bastions of the latter (in the educational system, the media, the higher reaches of the law, and key positions within government bureaucracy), has penetrated both popular culture and the corporate world. It is characterized by an amalgam of both sentiments and beliefs that cannot be easily catalogued, though terms like 'progressive,' 'emancipators or 'liberationist' serve to describe it. Intellectually, this new culture is legitimated by a number of loosely connected ideologies— leftover Marxism, feminism and other sexual identity doctrines, racial and ethnic separatism, various brands of therapeutic gospels and of environmentalism. An underlying theme is antagonism toward Western culture in general and American culture in particular. A prevailing spirit is one of intolerance and a grim orthodoxy, precisely caught in the phrase "political correctness.” ― Peter L. Berger

“Political correctness is a war on noticing.”
― Steve Sailer

Full explination : [newworldencyclopedia.org]

Critical theory (German: Kritische Theorie) emerged in Germany during the 1930s. It was first defined by Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School of sociology in his 1937 essay "Traditional and Critical Theory." He described it as a social theory oriented toward critiquing and changing society, in contrast to traditional theory oriented only to understanding or explaining it. Horkheimer is echoing Marx's famous Eleventh Thesis on Feuerbach. Wanting to distinguish critical theory as a radical, emancipatory form of Marxist philosophy, Horkheimer critiqued both the model of science put forward by logical positivism, and what he and his colleagues saw as the covert positivism and totalitarianism of orthodox Marxism and the actually existing Communism of the Soviet Union. He described a theory as critical insofar as it seeks "to liberate human beings from the circumstances that enslave them." Critical theory involves a normative dimension, either through criticizing society from some general theory of values, norms (or oughts), or through criticizing it based on its own espoused values (i.e. immanent critique).

The Frankfurt School argued that ideology served to buttress Western capitalist societies and that it was the principal obstacle to human liberation in the form of a communist revolution.

The core concepts of critical theory are that it should:

1. be directed at the totality of society in its historical specificity (i.e. how it came to be configured at a specific point in time); and

2. improve understanding of society by integrating all the major social sciences, including geography, economics, sociology, history, political science, anthropology, and psychology.

French Critical Theory

Marx and ModernismModernism was based on the Enlightenment notion of reason and science as stable foundations for knowledge. For Modernism, reason is universal, transcending historical context. Science is an objective tool for discerning the truth. Reason and science are a secure foundation for discerning objective reality and objective truth. Marxism provided a critique of Western political society and the ideology stemming from the Western metaphysical tradition of Idealism on which it was based. Marxism countered the Idealist tradition with a materialist theory. The social and political ideology of Western culture masked a darker truth, that it was all based on a naked expression of power that undergird it. This was the enduring power of Marx's critique for Western intellectuals.

But while Marx's critique of the social relations of capitalism was foundational for critical theory, it would eventually come under scrutiny by some for the fact that it replaced the belief in the rational truth of Western Idealism with a metaphysical materialism. It purported to be the truth of human history in the tradition of Hegel and in the Hegelian fashion it asserted for materialism the same conclusion - the resolution of the dialectic in a utopian end. In the wake of the failures of Marxism to produce that outcome, some philosophers began to question these assumptions. Marx's theory of history came to be seen by some as suffering from some of the failures of Modernism that it had sought to expose. Marx replaced Idealism with Materialism, but his appeal is still to reason and science. He called his philosophy "scientific socialism" as a way of buttressing its claims and its sense of inevitability. While the Frankfurt School and Gramsci generally dismissed these economic determinist claims in favor of the earlier Marxist emphasis on "praxis," the failure of Soviet-style communism to realize the objectives of the communist "withering away of the state" proved an ongoing problem, particularly in France.

Marxism in France

The failure of Marxism to accurately explain events in the Western industrialized societies impacted the Francophone world differently than the Germanic. Unlike the communist parties in the German and Italian world, the French Communist Party (PCF) remained closely connected to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) even during the Stalinist period. The PCF, which dominated French intellectual life, was very slow to de-Stalinize. That finally changed after the publication of Alexander Solzhenitsyn's "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich," which first appeared in English translation in 1963, but was not published in France until 1973. It introduced the question of the Gulag into French intellectual life, impacting particularly the PCF and French intellectuals of the left. While some remained in the Soviet camp, others tried to "save socialism" from the actually existing reality in the Soviet Union.

Still others began to ask serious questions about some of the flaws of Marxism and to think differently about the use of power in the Gulag. One of the leaders of that reassessment was Michel Foucault.

Actually the only socialism which deserves these scornful scare-quotes is the one which leads the dreamy life of ideality in our heads. We must open our eyes on the contrary to what enables people there, on the spot, to resist the Gulag, what makes it intolerable for them, and what can give the people of the anti-Gulag the courage to stand up and die in order to be able to utter a word or a poem.[16]

The issue for thinkers like Foucault was not merely that the Soviet model had failed to produce the desired outcome. It lay within problems of Marxist theory itself. Even in "turning Western metaphysics on its head," it remained a theory based on Modernist assumptions, which were coming under greater scrutiny.

Nietzsche and Postmodernism

In the second half of the twentieth century, postmodernism emerged as a critique of the ideology of Modernism. It was to Nietzsche (and Heidegger), not Marx, that many turned. Nietzsche's critique of Western culture and ideology took a different approach. The notion of truth itself had become problematized. In his famous declaration that "God is dead," Nietzsche was claiming that the traditional understanding of Western Christian culture and ethics was illusory. God had served as the foundation for the Western conception of truth and the underpinnings of Western culture. The "death of God" for Nietzsche meant that the concept of Truth had lost its referent. The very notion of Truth had been destabilized, undermined. Scientific developments and the increasing secularization of Europe had effectively 'killed' the Abrahamic God, who had served as the basis for meaning and value in the West for more than a thousand years. Western culture and specifically Christianity was antithetical to human nature and its "will to power."

As Heidegger put the problem, "If God, as the supra-sensory ground and goal of all reality, is dead; if the supra-sensory world of the Ideas has suffered the loss of its obligatory, and above it, its vitalizing and up-building power, then nothing more remains to which Man can cling, and by which he can orient himself."[17] In the wake of this destabilization of truth, Nietzsche called for a "transvaluation of all values."

French theorists like Foucault and Derrida took Nietzsche as the starting point for re-thinking the tradition of Western philosophy. Common targets of postmodern criticism include universalist ideas of objective reality, morality, truth, human nature, reason, science, language, and social progress.

French Post-modernists "are particularly concerned with the foundations and limits of theory. They are animated by a rereading of Nietzsche, especially his far-reaching and virulent critique of truth. The lesson they learn from Nietzsche is that truth is not a transcendent unity. The persistent in European philosophy to unify truth, be it by means of a scientific method or through a dialectical totalization, has unfortunate epistemological and political implications. The tendency of poststructuralism is to therefore regard truth as a multiplicity, to exult in the play of diverse meanings, in the continual process of reinterpretation, in the contention of opposing claims.[18]

Foucault

Following Nietzsche, Foucault rejected absolutes truths and focused his work on examining the historical contexts in which institutions of power were constructed. Marx's view of power was grounded in Hegelianism, that is, history was teleological or pointed toward a final goal. For Marx, that goal involved a struggle between oppressor and oppressed classes that would ultimately end with the proletarian revolution. The oppressive use of power would disappear when the proletariat overthrew their oppressors. Since they had no power, power would end after the revolution. For Foucault, this utopian notion did not square with his observations about how power actually worked.

His work on power is instead rooted in a deep historicism. He rejected the Marxist notion that power is simply an oppressing system where one societal class or group oppresses another as the Orthodox Marxists would define it.[19] He does not completely reject the notion of oppression, but power is much more subtle, and includes not only the naked use of force but those systems that are designed to create consent. Foucault's work centered on institutions of bourgeois society like medicine, psychiatry and the prison system.

For Foucault, power is not concentrated in a few hands, but diffuse throughout society. It is literally created in conjunction with knowledge produced by these institutions. Per Nietzsche, the notion of truth is problematized, but rather than masking the will to power, knowledge is created in the context of power. Foucault used the term "power/knowledge" to express the idea that truth and power are interdependent and inextricable. Power cannot be surmounted as in the Marxist dialectic. The response to power is to resist and confront it with another locus of power.

Post-structuralism

Much of the theoretical work of postmodernism emerged in the Francophone world of the 1960s and 70s. In addition to Foucault, leading figures included Jacques Derrida, Jacques Lacan, Jean-François Lyotard, Jean Baudrillard, and Gilles Deleuze. They developed an approach that was both postmodern and poststructural. Post-structuralism, like postmodernism, critiques the notions of rationality, progress and fixed and stable meanings of the Structuralism that came before.

Derrida

Post-structuralism like postmodernism owes a debt to the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and his critique of truth. Philosophers of language like Jacques Derrida began to question not only truth but the stability of meaning.

Via Heidegger Derrida applies the Nietzschean "death of God" to the Western philosophical tradition. That tradition is "a search for a transcendental being that serves as the origin or guarantor of meaning." This is the attempt to "ground the meaning relations constitutive of the world in an instance that itself lies outside all relationality" which, following Heidegger, he called logocentrism. Derrida argues that the philosophical enterprise is essentially logocentric,[20] and that this is a paradigm inherited from Judaism and Hellenism.[21] While Foucault's work is focused on how power is created and used, Derrida is interested in how meaning is produced.

Following the structuralist linguist, Ferdinand de Saussure, Derrida focused on the dichotomy of signifier/signified. Traditional semiotics had viewed linguistics as a stable relationship between referent and the thing. For Saussure, this was only half of the subject matter of linguistics, the "diachronic" relationship of the signifier to the signified. He bracketed this relationship to focus on the "synchronic" relationship of signifier to other signifiers. It is a structuralist approach to language in that Saussure set aside the diachronic relationship to examine how language is structured. Derrida took this a step further. He introduced the concept of différance. The neologism was difference with an "a" in place of the "e." For Derrida it incorporated both Saussure's sense of differing but also included the deferring of meaning. Meaning both differs from itself and meaning is always deferred, unstable. Derrida's approach is designed to dismantle traditional Western metaphysics by exploding the sense of meaning as stable, fixed, universal.

Derrida contributed to "the understanding of certain deeply hidden philosophical presuppositions and prejudices in Western culture,"[21] arguing that the whole philosophical tradition rests on arbitrary dichotomous categories (such as sacred/profane, signifier/signified, mind/body), and that any text contains implicit hierarchies, "by which an order is imposed on reality and by which a subtle repression is exercised, as these hierarchies exclude, subordinate, and hide the various potential meanings."[20] Just like Foucault's power, meaning is always being produced and reproduced according to a set of hierarchies.

Derrida seeks to undo the "subtle repression" of Logocentrism by undermining traditional meaning. He refers to his procedure for uncovering and unsettling these dichotomies as deconstruction.

Application of French Critical Theory

The work of the French postmodernists and post-structuralists became widely disseminated throughout the academic world in the 1980s but it was largely apolitical. Its focus on questioning the stability of meaning and the ubiquitous nature of power seemed to preclude the kind of successful collective action that had been goal of Marxism. That began to change in the 1990s with the rise of identity politics, gender theory and critical race theory.Postmodern critical social theory

Postmodern critical approaches have been adopted in a variety of academic and theoretical disciplines, including cultural studies, philosophy of science, economics, linguistics, architecture, feminist theory, and literary criticism, as well as art movements in fields such as literature, contemporary art, and music. Focusing on language, symbolism, communication, and social construction, critical theory has been applied within the social sciences as a critique of the very notion of representation in the social sciences.[22]

While modernist critical theory concerns itself with "forms of authority and injustice that accompanied the development of industrial and corporate capitalism as a political-economic system," postmodern critical theory politicizes social problems "by situating them in historical and cultural contexts, to implicate themselves in the process of collecting and analyzing data, and to relativize their findings."[23] Meaning itself is seen as unstable due to the rapid transformation in social structures. As a result, the focus of research is centered on local manifestations, rather than broad generalizations.

Postmodern critical research is characterized by the crisis of representation, which rejects the idea that a researcher's work is an "objective depiction of a stable other." Instead, many postmodern scholars have adopted "alternatives that encourage reflection about the 'politics and poetics' of their work. In these accounts, the embodied, collaborative, dialogic, and improvisational aspects of qualitative research are clarified."[24]

Critical Race Theory developed within legal studies starting in the 1970s. It was pioneered by Law Professor Derek Bell at Harvard. It spread to other American law schools in the mid- to late 1980s as a reworking of critical legal studies focusing on race issues.

Critical Race Theory deconstructs some premises and arguments of legal theory: "To the emerging race crits, rights discourse held a social and transformative value in the context of racial subordination that transcended the narrower question of whether reliance on rights alone could bring about any determinate results." As described by Derrick Bell, critical race theory in Harris' view is committed to "radical critique of the law (which is normatively deconstructionist) and…radical emancipation by the law (which is normatively reconstructionist)."

As Critical Race Theory developed, postmodern critical theories, including feminist jurisprudence, and postcolonial theory, also became popular tools. The rise of identity politics and the postmodern understanding of social constructionism created a new focus. Identities began to be seen as created by one's position in society. The social system functions for those who are dominant, while other identities are marginalized, and people in those groups oppressed. Students of Bell, like Kimberlé Crenshaw, embraced the approach of postmodern critical theory's understanding of power/knowledge. Her theory, intersectionality, argues that the socially constructed identities, should not be resisted, but rather embraced. They are a source of empowerment for marginalized peoples. Those identities, racial, gender, etc. are the basis for the critique of universalized knowledge and political power. Intersectionality creates a system of oppression, in which there are multiple bases for oppression based not only on race, but also gender and other points of discrimination. While Critical Race Theory began by addressing issues of access and poverty, intersectionality played in role in moving it away from a more materialist focus to one based on postmodern view based on identity politics.

Postmodernism and Cultural Marxism | Jordan B Peterson

Jordan Peterson, Canadian clinical psychologist and professor of psychology at the University of Toronto, speaks with The Epoch Times about Postmodernism and Cultural Marxism. Communism is estimated to have killed at least 100 million people, yet its crimes have not been fully compiled and its ideology still persists. The Epoch Times seeks to expose the history and beliefs of this movement, which has been a source of tyranny and destruction since it emerged. Read the whole series at ept.ms/DeadEndCom

Because only whites feel guilty being racist.