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Pro-trans rights march met with opposing protesters in Los Angeles - Several protesters arrested after altercations break out between marches supporting and opposing transgender rights in Los Angeles

Krunoslav 9 July 18
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1

Nobody is opposing basic rights, but queer and trans excesses. People are opposing the normalization of total depravity and degeneracy.

Clown world is bad enough; NOBODY wants to live in queer world.

govols Level 8 July 18, 2021

Looking with hindsight it was inevitable that normal people will take rights for granted and will stop safeguarding them, thinking they will always be there.

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.”

That was the problem of liberalism. It was idealistic and dogmatic in its idealism. Liberalism, classical liberalism that came from English tradition not French one.

Liberalism as a philosophy gets things correct when it comes to legal rights or private property, rule of law, tight to fair trial etc. But it deliberate tries to "liberate" itself from assigning shared moral code. it say that no institution should impose morals on the individuals. They must choose for themselves. Its not that liberalism say there is no such thing as right or wrong, but it insists there are no previous moral ties to any moral norms of the past and its up the individual to liberate himself from those moral ties and therefore come up with his own morality.

Unfortunately because liberalism require the power of the state to secure legal rights, it is at the same time saying that individual can exist on to its own in theory. free and liberated from previous moral ties and traditions, but than in practice it recognizes that we can't live with no legal protection so it grants the power of the state to force those rights. And so its big on legal rights but weak on moral responsibilities. This inherently leads it to empower either on the right or left side the enemies and as we are seeing today. Age of liberalism has been compromised by the very same people that represented it. It empowers its own enemies because out of selfish reasons it tries to avoid having shared moral code and no nation can survive without one.

Because liberalism came as response to the age of monarchy and church it is always skeptical and sometimes hostile to them, but it fails to recognize its own contradictions. The "Age of reason" liberals say, and everyone else looks and says the "cult of reason", why because liberalism argues we are all reasonable individuals and if only there is no religion to limit us we would be all free and reach our potential.

This might be true for individuals here and there, but certainly no evidence this is true for society at large. On the contrary. And because men are not reasonable animals but rationalizing animals, we need a constructive shred moral code, along side liberal understanding of legal rights, to have a chance of preserving what we might consider liberty.

Classical liberals, riding the wave of shared moral code they inherited from long Judeo Christian tradition has kept them in pretty good shape, but if the liberal philosophy does not have a build in way to preserve it, which it does not, it was only a matter of time when the old morals will fade and new generations will seek something else. More privileges and less responsibility. And so old classical liberals were replaced by new liberals.

..................................

“Modern liberalism suffers unresolved contradictions. It exalts individualism and freedom and, on its radical wing, condemns social orders as oppressive. On the other hand, it expects government to provide materially for all, a feat manageable only by an expansion of authority and a swollen bureaucracy. In other words, liberalism defines government as tyrant father but demands it behave as nurturant mother.

Liberalism, like second-wave feminism, seems to have become a new religion for those who profess contempt for religion. It has been reduced to an elitist set of rhetorical formulas, which posit the working class as passive, mindless victims in desperate need of salvation by the state. Individual rights and free expression, which used to be liberal values, are being gradually subsumed to worship of government power.

The problems on the American left were already manifest by the late 1960s, as college-educated liberals began to lose contact with the working class for whom they claimed to speak... For the past 25 years, liberalism has gradually sunk into a soft, soggy, white upper-middle-class style that I often find preposterous and repellent."

  • Camille Paglia

..................................

And this inevitably gave rise to really intolerant extreme lefties ideologies we see now. It was not a matter of will it happen, but when it will happen, and it is because liberalism by its very deign refused to engage in discussion of shared moral code. and with out that it compromises itself. its is Achilles heel.

And for many today, self identifying oneself as liberal has become a way to outsource moral responsibility to a liberal ideology itself. That is why many liberal intellectuals are so smug, they consider liberalism to be most moral ideology, but refuse to define share moral code. And that is why I consider liberalism as a religion, it considers itself dogmatically the best most moral ideology. To change ones opinion and see liberalism as flawed ideology, would mean one must now find something else, and that is so scary for many liberals, that they rather defend the indefensible than to say liberalism has a problem ... .and that is the characteristic of religions.

................................

“In the end, the actions of such liberals have the effect---again unwittingly---of continuing to cover for the goals of the extreme Left. Yet again, the soft Left is helping to conceal the hard Left, whether it realizes it or not.” ― Paul Kengor, Dupes: How America's Adversaries Have Manipulated Progressives for a Century

And that is why I'm not a liberal. It is not that I am not for liberty, but I swear, liberals have to be among the dumbest self proclaimed enlighten people on planet earth. They are so enlightened that their brain is a sleep. Much like Woke crowed is so the opposite of awoken. What's left of their tiny brain after they gone more left than dumb liberals is anything but awoken, its asleep. They are freaking Vegetable. It is only so befitting than many claim to be vegan. Like consorts with like.

“I would rather try to organize politics and political discourse in a way that encouraged engagement on moral and religious questions. …If we attempt to banish moral and religious discourse from politics and debates about law and rights, the danger is we’ll have a kind a vacant public square or a naked public square.

And the yearning for larger meanings in politics will find undesirable expression. Fundamentalists will rush in where liberals fear to tread. They will try to clothe the naked public square with the most narrow and intolerant moralisms.”

  • Michael Joseph Sandel is an American political philosopher.

"And then, at that exact dispirited moment when there seemed no one at all willing to play the proletariat, along came the women's movement.” ― Joan Didion, The White Album

...and the rest is as they say, history.

“As Baskerville points out, wherever fatherhood is discarded or diminished, we find “impoverished, crime-ridden and drug-infested matriarchies.” Taking on the role of proprietor, the state becomes the father under such “matriarchies.” According to Baskerville, “Without paternal authority, adolescents run wild, and society descends into chaos.” Quite naturally, the state has an ever-increasing reason to intervene in such a society – and inevitably, in the economy. What many defenders of capitalism have failed to understand is the connection between paternal authority and the free market. They have failed to understand that the erosion of patriarchy signifies the rise of a leviathan state (i.e., ever increasing government controls on the economy, and socialism).” ― J.R.Nyquist

As written in the 1970's Feminism, Marxism, Method, and the State: An Agenda for Theory
by Catharine A. MacKinnon

"Sexuality is to feminism what capital is to marxism: that which is most one’s own, yet most taken away. Marxist theory argues that society is fundamentally constructed of the relations people form as they do and make things needed to survive humanly. Work is the social process of shaping and transforming the material and social worlds, creating people as social beings as they create value. It is that activity by which people become who they are. Class is its structure, production its conse­quence, capital its congealed form, and control its issue."

The relation between marxism and feminism has not changed since it was first written in 1973, but the argument on feminism itself has. It needed to evolve and it needed to become more and more aggressive, which it did. And like all civil rights movement, it has no end. No matter how much power you give to civil rights activists and how much you compromise , its never enough because that is the point. Its not about social justice its about power. It always has been.


Roger Scruton made a key observation, which is that feminist understood, they cannot win in direct competition with men, so in a sneaky way they saw opportunity in hijacking the language of the sociaty and turning it into political weapon.

"As far back as 1949 the seminal feminist thinker Simone de Beauvoir made this programmatic recommendation: “Language is inherited from a masculine society and contains many male prejudices . . . Women simply have to steal the instrument; they don’t have to break it or try a priori to make it something totally different. Steal it and use it for their own good” (1972, p. 123)."

And indeed they tried to do this with sex and gender. "During the 1970s American feminists seized on the idea of gender as a social construct, and used it to hide the truth about sex as a biological destiny. By replacing the word “sex” with the word “gender” they imagined that they could achieve at a stroke what their ideology required of them – to rescue sex from biology and to recast it as a complex social choice." (December 2002/January 2003, p. 1)

This lead to creation of a monster. Trans movement which now is the enemy of the very same feminists that created it. And that, ladies and gentlemen, is the danger of letting politically ambitious people play with language. I mean, what could possibly go wrong?


Now here we are LGBT, Trans rights. A booming business. As much religion as opportunism. Diversity and inclusion, trans rights etc is a cottage industry.

Roger Scruton: How Socialism got Repackaged into Human Rights

1

The key thing I continue to not understand is this idea that it's somehow preferable to grant rights to some while taking away rights from others, and call this social justice.

Let me say upfront that I don't care what you identify as or how you express yourself. In your own home, do what you will, so long as you aren't hurting children or animals.

But when we enter society, there is a reasonable and normal expectation that we are ALL going to curtail how we behave in order to maintain civil peace. I may walk around nude in my home, but that doesn't grant me the right to walk around nude in the community.

So I continue to be confounded by the ideas being presented that other people MUST accommodate the trans community in ways that we never voted on, much less discussed. For example, letting biological men who identify as women into women's spaces. And this is what I mean by granting rights to some while taking them away from others. You can argue that a transwoman has a right to be in female spaces because that's the gender they identify as, and I can argue right back that the women already in those spaces have the right to not be exposed to male genitalia. Yet it's those women who are now being publicly castigated as "bigots," as if to imply that there is literally no other possible reason why they might have a problem with men in their spaces, other than bigotry. It's patently dishonest.

Simply put, you can't make a right by creating an even bigger wrong.

"The key thing I continue to not understand is this idea that it's somehow preferable to grant rights to some while taking away rights from others, and call this social justice. "

Social Justice is a another word for socialism, leading to communism.

“Socialism is a scourge, simply because it is just another mask of Communism.”
― Jean-Michel Rene Souche

“I remembered Papa talking about Stalin confiscating peasants' land, tools, and animals. He told them what crops they would produce and how much they would be paid. I thought it was ridiculous. How could Stalin simply take something that didn't belong to him, something that a farmer and his family had worked their whole lives for? "That's communism, Lina," Papa had said.” ― Ruta Sepetys, Between Shades of Gray

"Simply put, you can't make a right by creating an even bigger wrong. "

No you can't. And that is why communism is wrong.

“Interestingly, Marxism, Communism and its derivative, Socialism, when seen years later in practice, are nothing but state-capitalism and rule by a privileged minority, exercising despotic and total control over a majority which is left with virtually no property or legal rights.” ― Andrew Carrington Hitchcock

“Captured by the ideological animus, both socialist and liberal-democratic art abandoned the criterion of beauty - considered anachronistic and of dubious political value - and replaced it with the criterion of correctness. …egalitarianism and despotism do not exclude each other, but usually go hand in hand.

To a certain degree, equality invites despotism, because in order to make all members of a society equal, and then to maintain this equality for a long period of time, it is necessary to equip the controlling institutions with exceptional power so they can stamp out any potential threat to equality in every sector of the society and any aspect of human life: to paraphrase a well-known sentence by one of Dostoyevsky’s characters, ‘We start with absolute equality and we end up with absolute despotism.’ Some call it a paradox of equality: the more equality one wants to introduce, the more power one must have; the more power one has, the more one violates the principle of equality; the more one violates the principle of equality, the more one is in a position to make the world egalitarian.

Liberal democracy is a powerful unifying mechanism, blurring differences between people and imposing uniformity of views, behavior, and language. But it does not require much effort to see that the dialogue in liberal democracy is of a peculiar kind because its aim is to maintain the domination of the mainstream and not to undermine it. A deliberation is believed to make sense only if the mainstream orthodoxy is sure to win politically. Today's 'dialogue' politics are a pure form of the right-is-might politics, cleverly concealed by the ostentatiously vacuous rhetoric of all-inclusiveness.

The illusion they cherish of being a brave minority heroically facing the whole world, false as it is, gives them nevertheless a strange sense of comfort: they feel absolutely safe, being equipped with the most powerful political tools in today's world but at the same time priding themselves on their courage and decency, which are more formidable the more awesome the image of the enemy becomes.

The ideological man is thus both absolutely suspicious and absolutely enthusiastic. There seems to be no idea under the sun that he would not put into question and make an object of derision, skepticism, or contempt, no idea that he would not reduce to an offshoot of hidden instincts, mundane interests, biological drives, and psychological complexes. Hence he is likely to despise reason as an autonomous faculty, to downgrade lofty ideals, and to debunk the past, seeing everywhere the same ideological mystification.

But at the same time, he lives in a constant state of mobilization for a better world. His mouth is full of noble slogans about brotherhood, freedom, and justice, and with every word he makes it clear that he knows which side is right and that he is ready to sacrifice his entire existence for the sake of its victory. The peculiar combination of both attitudes--merciless distrust and unwavering affirmation--gives him an incomparable sense of moral self-confidence and intellectual self-righteousness.”

― Ryszard Legutko, The Demon in Democracy: Totalitarian Temptations in Free Societies

“The goal of Socialism is Communism." ― Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and his associate Friedrich Engels announced that communism could be “summed up in a single sentence: Abolition of private property.”

Associated with this were promises of total social equality and sharing in a new stage of human societal evolution. In fact, Marx’s scheme promised liberation from history, the entire record of struggle and exploitation and suffering to date. A later formulation of Marx’s was that communism would be the stage when all of society was organized along the lines of one idea: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his need.”

“Therein lies the true essence of Marxism. ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs’ only ever works with a gun in your hand." ― Philip Kerr, Prussian Blue

“Lenin's difficulty with Marxian revisionism and those who accorded an important role to liberals is symptomatic of a doctrinal and psychological problem peculiar to Marxism and absent in the old narodnik creed. Marx had revealed the systematic necessity of class exploitation. Capitalism was by its very nature savagely unjust. Since most revolutionaries were not simply thinking machines looking for the most rational foundation for production and distribution but possessed of "religious" attitudes, or, in any case, of a sense of mission, they found in Marx and Engels the description of a morally intolerable system in which the wealth of the few could only be gotten at the expense of the poverty of the many. On the other hand, Marx posited the necessary contribution of each historical phase to economic and social progress.

The bourgeoisie and their liberal institutions could not disappear from history until they had developed the forces of production as far as they could, when the onset of the inevitable and fatal crisis of capitalism would occur. Capitalism was a necessary evil on the way to socialism. But Marx had no blueprint for its many historical variations, only his laws of capitalism and their consequences. Neither he nor Engels had a revolutionary timetable either, and it was possible for their followers to lapse into a purely "scientific" and morally slothful type of Marxism, an academic Marxism without a sense of urgency about revolutionary tasks to be performed.

On the other hand, the most morally mobilized would find ways to hasten capitalism's final hour, even while separating themselves from the narodniki, whose revolutionism was "unscientific." Thus, during a period of mainly doctrinal debates and sectarianism, revolutionaries who were temperamentally quite close to each other engaged in combat; but when the real revolutionary moment arrived, they often found themselves working together.

One of the major weaknesses in Marxism as a doctrine resided in its failure to examine closely the moral characteristics of an immiserated proletariat. The notion that the miserable and oppressed will proceed to create a better world is, of course, inherently problematic.

The nationalities question fit ill with Marxism. It was perhaps even more puzzling than the peasant problem. One could at least delude oneself into believing that the peasant problem was soluble in Marxian terms by extrapolating from economic data, constructing Procrustean sociologies, and predicting the inevitable splitting of the peasants along class lines. But how did one fit nationality into the Marxist scheme?

Of course, according to Marxian theory national boundaries created superficial divisions compared to economic forces and the relations of production, but nationalist passion seemed to inflame people and mobilize them even more than their class interests. World War I would show how ready people were to make sacrifices for the sake of the national or imperial dignity or, in the case of the Slavs of the Russian Empire, for related ethnic groups and coreligionists. Even the discredited Romanov dynasty would be able to rally its people around the war effort—at least at the outset. This was a complication—indeed, as history has showed, a fatal one—for a Marxian socialist with a genuinely internationalist orientation."

― Philip Pomper, Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin: The Intelligentsia and Power

Lenin was educated and articulate, but: “We are all susceptible to the pull of viral ideas. Like mass hysteria. Or a tune that gets into your head that you keep humming all day until you spread it to someone else. Jokes. Urban legends. Crackpot religions. Marxism. No matter how smart we get, there is always this deep irrational part that makes us potential hosts for self-replicating information.” ― Neal Stephenson, Snow Crash

“In a country where the sole employer is the State, opposition means death by slow starvation. The old principle: who does not work shall not eat, has been replaced by a new one: who does not obey shall not eat.” ― Leon Trotsky

“The difference between communism and socialism is that under socialism central planning ends with a gun in your face, whereas under communism central planning begins with a gun in your face.” ― Kevin D. Williamson, The Politically Incorrect Guide to Socialism

“Communism is the final logic of the dehumanization of man.”
― Fulton J. Sheen

The Communist Manifesto, originally the Manifesto of the Communist Party (German: Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei), is an 1848 pamphlet by German ideologues; Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Commissioned by the Communist League and originally published in London just as the Revolutions of 1848 began to erupt, the Manifesto was later recognised as one of the world's most influential political documents. It presents an analytical approach to the class struggle (historical and then-present) and the conflicts of capitalism and the capitalist mode of production, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms.

The Communist Manifesto summarises Marx and Engels' theories concerning the nature of society and politics, namely that in their own words "[t]he history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". It also briefly features their ideas for how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism. In the last paragraph of the Manifesto, the authors call for a "forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions", which served as a call for communist revolutions around the world.

The Communist Manifesto is divided into a preamble and four sections, the last of these a short conclusion. The introduction begins: "A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre." Pointing out that parties everywhere—including those in government and those in the opposition—have flung the "branding reproach of communism" at each other, the authors infer from this that the powers-that-be acknowledge communism to be a power in itself. Subsequently, the introduction exhorts Communists to openly publish their views and aims, to "meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself".

The first section of the Manifesto, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", elucidates the materialist conception of history, that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". Societies have always taken the form of an oppressed majority exploited under the yoke of an oppressive minority. In capitalism, the industrial working class, or proletariat, engage in class struggle against the owners of the means of production, the bourgeoisie. As before, this struggle will end in a revolution that restructures society, or the "common ruin of the contending classes". The bourgeoisie, through the "constant revolutionising of production [and] uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions" have emerged as the supreme class in society, displacing all the old powers of feudalism. The bourgeoisie constantly exploits the proletariat for its labour power, creating profit for themselves and accumulating capital. However, in doing so the bourgeoisie serves as "its own grave-diggers"; the proletariat inevitably will become conscious of their own potential and rise to power through revolution, overthrowing the bourgeoisie.

"Proletarians and Communists", the second section, starts by stating the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class. The communists' party will not oppose other working-class parties, but unlike them, it will express the general will and defend the common interests of the world's proletariat as a whole, independent of all nationalities. The section goes on to defend communism from various objections, including claims that it advocates communal prostitution or disincentivises people from working. The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands—among them a progressive income tax; abolition of inheritances and private property; abolition of child labour; free public education; nationalisation of the means of transport and communication; centralisation of credit via a national bank; expansion of publicly owned land, etc.—the implementation of which would result in the precursor to a stateless and classless society.

The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature", distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time—these being broadly categorised as Reactionary Socialism; Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism; and Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism. While the degree of reproach toward rival perspectives varies, all are dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognise the pre-eminent revolutionary role of the working class.

"Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Opposition Parties", the concluding section of the Manifesto, briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century such as France, Switzerland, Poland and Germany, this last being "on the eve of a bourgeois revolution" and predicts that a world revolution will soon follow. It ends by declaring an alliance with the democratic socialists, boldly supporting other communist revolutions and calling for united international proletarian action—"Working Men of All Countries, Unite!".

............................

Communism and Terminology

The term communism only became common in the 1840s. Even after that, the word communist—in the sense of emphasizing community and common control—was applied to other kinds of social projects, like experimental communities or communes.

An Evolving Tradition

Communism featured both continuity and change. Additionally, once in power, communist regimes revealed internal contradictions, which stressed their systems. When it comes to communism, five contradictions in particular are notable.

1 - The first has to do with the role of the individual in history. Marx presented a powerful vision of history being made by masses of people. By contrast, individuals played less of a role. However, with communism, it is the case that decisive leaders loom up again and again, starting with Marx himself.

2 - The second contradiction involved geography. Although communism was meant to be global, Marx expected it to evolve first in the most industrially advanced countries. Thus, in the imagination of communists, the real prize was Germany—a leading industrial power. However, against expectations, communism’s greatest influence came in less developed countries, beginning with Lenin’s rise to power in Russia.

3 - A third problem was that communism never entirely settled its relationship to nationalism. Predating communism, nationalism as an ideology was another powerful model of community and an idea about belonging. Marx deplored nationalism; however, communist regimes tried to co-opt nationalist sentiment to use it to reinforce their power. This saw mixed and sometimes contradictory results.

4 - A fourth contradiction was the way in which the communist project turned into a tradition, even when it promised radical breaks with the past. Communism became a tradition full of historical echoes, venerable precedents, time-honored rituals, and original texts that held nearly sacred status.

5 - Finally, a fifth contradiction appeared that had everything to do with commitment to communism as a faith. While it promised scientific certainty and discarded religious dogma, communism also drew on and mobilized faith or even fanaticism. This occurred to the point that many observers have called communism a political religion.

  • The Rise of Communism From Marx to Lenin by Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius

As for the trans insanity. It is biologically impossible, psychologically insane, factually incorrect but in the good old communist way, it is politically correct. It is a new religion, you may call it how ever you want but it has a lefty Hegelian roots and Marxist / communist methods of getting to a new utopia.

Interview with Alexander Dugin – ‘Welcome all newcomers!’

Prof. Alexander Dugin, philosopher and geopolitical expert from Russia, sees the world changing: the old liberalism is being replaced by a new, aggressive, globalist mutation. Manuel Ochsenreiter's interview with Dugin gives a fascinating insight into the globalist future.

Published: June 18, 2021, 11:42 am

Prof. Dugin, in your latest essay you wrote about “Liberalism 2.0”. Is liberalism changing?

[freewestmedia.com]

One cannot avoid the realization that both old-fashioned nationalism and communism have been defeated by liberalism. Neither right-wing nor left-wing illiberal populism can win the victory over liberalism today. To be able to do this, we would have to integrate the illiberal left and the illiberal right. But the ruling liberals are very vigilant about this and always try to prevent any movement in this direction in advance.

The short-sightedness of the radical left and radical right politicians and groups only helps liberals to implement their agenda. At the same time, we must not ignore the growing chasm between Liberalism 1.0 and Liberalism 2.0. It seems as if the internal cleansing of modernity and postmodernism is now leading to brutal punishment and excommunication of new species of political beings – this time the liberals themselves are being sacrificed.

Those of them who do not consider themselves as a part of the Great Reset strategy and the Biden-Soros axis, those who refuse to enjoy the final disappearance of good old mankind, good old individuals, good old freedom and the market economy. There will be no place for any of these in Liberalism 2.0.

It will become post-human, and anyone who questions such a new concept will be welcomed to the Unity of Enemies of the Open Society.

Gender politics starts here and changes the very nature of the concept of the individual. The postmodernists were the first to show that the liberal individual is a masculine, rationalist construction. Simply equalizing social opportunities and functions for men and women, including the right to change gender at will, does not solve the problem. The “traditional” patriarchy still survives by defining rationality and norms. Hence, it has been concluded that the liberation of the individual is not enough. The next step consists in the liberation of the human being or rather the “living entity” from the individual.

Now the moment is approaching for the final replacement of the individual by the gender-optional entity, a kind of network identity. And the final step will eventually be to replace humanity with creepy beings – machines, chimeras, robots, artificial intelligence and other species of genetic engineering. The line between what is still human and what is already post-human is the main problem of the paradigm shift from Liberalism 1.0 to Liberalism 2.0. Trump was a human individualist who defended individualism in the old style of human context. Perhaps he was the last of his kind. Biden is a representative of the arriving post-humanity.

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